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NEWS BEYOND FILM : HIP HOP
DIRECTORY
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Compiled by iNDIEVILLE
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Hiphop Turns 30
Whatcha celebratin' for?
from The Village Voice
by Greg Tate
January 4th, 2005
We are now winding down the anniversary of hiphop's
30th year of existence as a populist art form. Testimonials
and televised tributes have been airing almost daily,
thanks to Viacom and the like. As those digitized hiphop
shout-outs get packed back into their binary folders,
however, some among us have been so gauche as to ask,
What the heck are we celebrating exactly? A right and
proper question, that one is, mate. One to which my
best answer has been: Nothing less, my man, than the
marriage of heaven and hell, of New World African ingenuity
and that trick of the devil known as global hyper-capitalism.
Hooray.
Given
that what we call hiphop is now inseparable from what
we call the hiphop industry, in which the nouveau riche
and the super-rich employers get richer, some say there's
really nothing to celebrate about hiphop right now but
the moneyshakers and the moneymakers—who got bank
and who got more.
Hard to argue with that line of thinking since, hell,
globally speaking, hiphop is money at this point, a
valued form of currency where brothers are offered stock
options in exchange for letting some corporate entity
stand next to their fire.
True hiphop headz tend to get mad when you don't separate
so-called hiphop culture from the commercial rap industry,
but at this stage of the game that's like trying to
separate the culture of urban basketball from the NBA,
the pro game from the players it puts on the floor.
Hiphop may have begun as a folk culture, defined by
its isolation from mainstream society, but being that
it was formed within the America that gave us the coon
show, its folksiness was born to be bled once it began
entertaining the same mainstream that had once excluded
its originators. And have no doubt, before hiphop had
a name it was a folk culture—literally visible
in the way you see folk in Brooklyn and the South Bronx
of the '80s, styling, wilding, and profiling in Jamel
Shabazz's photograph book Back in the Days. But from
the moment "Rapper's Delight" went platinum,
hiphop the folk culture became hiphop the American entertainment-industry
sideshow.
No doubt it transformed the entertainment industry,
and all kinds of people's notions of entertainment,
style, and politics in the process. So let's be real.
If hiphop were only some static and rigid folk tradition
preserved in amber, it would never have been such a
site for radical change or corporate exploitation in
the first place. This being America, where as my man
A.J.'s basketball coach dad likes to say, "They
don't pay niggas to sit on the bench," hiphop was
never going to not go for the gold as more gold got
laid out on the table for the goods that hiphop brought
to the market. Problem today is that where hiphop was
once a buyer's market in which we, the elite hiphop
audience, decided what was street legit, it has now
become a seller's market, in which what does or does
not get sold as hiphop to the masses is whatever the
boardroom approves.
The bitter trick is that hiphop, which may or may not
include the NBA, is the face of Black America in the
world today. It also still represents Black culture
and Black creative license in unique ways to the global
marketplace, no matter how commodified it becomes. No
doubt, there's still more creative autonomy for Black
artists and audiences in hiphop than in almost any other
electronic mass-cultural medium we have. You for damn
sure can't say that about radio, movies, or television.
The fact that hiphop does connect so many Black folk
worldwide, whatever one might think of the product,
is what makes it invaluable to anyone coming from a
Pan-African state of mind. Hiphop's ubiquity has created
a common ground and a common vernacular for Black folk
from 18 to 50 worldwide. This is why mainstream hiphop
as a capitalist tool, as a market force isn't easily
discounted: The dialogue it has already set in motion
between Long Beach and Cape Town is a crucial one, whether
Long Beach acknowledges it or not. What do we do with
that information, that communication, that transatlantic
mass-Black telepathic link? From the looks of things,
we ain't about to do a goddamn thing other than send
more CDs and T-shirts across the water.
But the Negro art form we call hiphop wouldn't even
exist if African Americans of whatever socioeconomic
caste weren't still niggers and not just the more benign,
congenial "niggas." By which I mean if we
weren't all understood by the people who run this purple-mountain
loony bin as both subhuman and superhuman, as sexy beasts
on the order of King Kong. Or as George Clinton once
observed, without the humps there ain't no getting over.
Meaning that only Africans could have survived slavery
in America, been branded lazy bums, and decided to overcompensate
by turning every sporting contest that matters into
a glorified battle royal.
Like King Kong had his island, we had the Bronx in
the '70s, out of which came the only significant artistic
movement of the 20th century produced by born-and-bred
New Yorkers, rather than Southwestern transients or
Jersey transplants. It's equally significant that hiphop
came out of New York at the time it did, because hiphop
is Black America's Ellis Island. It's our Delancey Street
and our Fulton Fish Market and garment district and
Hollywoodian ethnic enclave/empowerment zone that has
served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get
a grip on the land of the prosperous.
Only because this convergence of ex-slaves and ch-ching
finally happened in the '80s because hey, African Americans
weren't allowed to function in the real economic and
educational system of these United States like first-generation
immigrants until the 1980s—roughly four centuries
after they first got here, 'case you forgot. Hiphoppers
weren't the first generation who ever thought of just
doing the damn thang entreprenurially speaking, they
were the first ones with legal remedies on the books
when it came to getting a cut of the action. And the
first generation for whom acquiring those legal remedies
so they could just do the damn thang wasn't a priority
requiring the energies of the race's best and brightest.
If we woke up tomorrow and there was no hiphop on the
radio or on television, if there was no money in hiphop,
then we could see what kind of culture it was, because
my bet is that hiphop as we know it would cease to exist,
except as nostalgia. It might resurrect itself as a
people's protest music if we were lucky, might actually
once again reflect a disenchantment with, rather than
a reinforcement of, the have and have-not status quo
we cherish like breast milk here in the land of the
status-fiending. But I won't be holding my breath waiting
to see.
Because the moment hiphop disappeared from the air
and marketplace might be the moment when we'd discover
whether hiphop truly was a cultural force or a manufacturing
plant, a way of being or a way of selling porn DVDs,
Crunk juice, and S. Carter signature sneakers, blessed
be the retired.
That might also be the moment at which poor Black communities
began contesting the reality of their surroundings,
their life opportunities. An interesting question arises:
If enough folk from the 'hood get rich, does that suffice
for all the rest who will die tryin'? And where does
hiphop wealth leave the question of race politics? And
racial identity?
Picking up where Amiri Baraka and the Black Arts Movement
left off, George Clinton realized that anything Black
folk do could be abstracted and repackaged for capital
gain. This has of late led to one mediocre comedy after
another about Negroes frolicking at hair shows, funerals,
family reunions, and backyard barbecues, but it has
also given us Biz Markie and OutKast.
Oh, the selling power of the Black Vernacular. Ralph
Ellison only hoped we'd translate it in such a way as
to gain entry into the hallowed house of art. How could
he know that Ralph Lauren and the House of Polo would
one day pray to broker that vernacular's cool marketing
prowess into a worldwide licensing deal for bedsheets
writ large with Jay-Z's John Hancock? Or that the vernacular's
seductive powers would drive Estée Lauder to
propose a union with the House of P. Diddy? Or send
Hewlett-Packard to come knocking under record exec Steve
Stoute's shingle in search of a hiphop-legit cool marketer?
Hiphop's effervescent and novel place in the global
economy is further proof of that good old Marxian axiom
that under the abstracting powers of capitalism, "All
that is solid melts into air" (or the Ethernet,
as the case might be). So that hiphop floats through
the virtual marketplace of branded icons as another
consumable ghost, parasitically feeding off the host
of the real world's people—urbanized and institutionalized—whom
it will claim till its dying day to "represent."
And since those people just might need nothing more
from hiphop in their geopolitically circumscribed lives
than the escapism, glamour, and voyeurism of hiphop,
why would they ever chasten hiphop for not steady ringing
the alarm about the African American community's AIDS
crisis, or for romanticizing incarceration more than
attacking the prison-industrial complex, or for throwing
a lyrical bone at issues of intimacy or literacy or,
heaven forbid, debt relief in Africa and the evils perpetuated
by the World Bank and the IMF on the motherland?
All of which is not to say "Vote or Die"
wasn't a wonderful attempt to at least bring the phantasm
of Black politics into the 24-hour nonstop booty, blunts,
and bling frame that now has the hiphop industry on
lock. Or to devalue by any degree Russell Simmons's
valiant efforts to educate, agitate, and organize around
the Rockefeller drug-sentencing laws. Because at heart,
hiphop remains a radical, revolutionary enterprise for
no other reason than its rendering people of African
descent anything but invisible, forgettable, and dismissible
in the consensual hallucination-simulacrum twilight
zone of digitized mass distractions we call our lives
in the matrixized, conservative-Christianized, Goebbelsized-by-Fox
21st century. And because, for the first time in our
lives, race was nowhere to be found as a campaign issue
in presidential politics and because hiphop is the only
place we can see large numbers of Black people being
anything other than sitcom window dressing, it maintains
the potential to break out of the box at the flip of
the next lyrical genius who can articulate her people's
suffering with the right doses of rhythm and noise to
reach the bourgeois and still rock the boulevard.
Call me an unreconstructed Pan-African cultural nationalist,
African-fer-the-Africans-at-home-and-abroad-type rock
and roll nigga and I won't be mad at ya: I remember
the Afrocentric dream of hiphop's becoming an agent
of social change rather than elevating a few ex-drug
dealers' bank accounts. Against my better judgment,
I still count myself among that faithful. To the extent
that hiphop was a part of the great Black cultural nationalist
reawakening of the 1980s and early '90s, it was because
there was also an anti-apartheid struggle and anti-crack
struggle, and Minister Louis Farrakhan and Reverend
Jesse Jackson were at the height of their rhetorical
powers, recruitment ambitions, and media access, and
a generation of Ivy League Black Public Intellectuals
on both sides of the Atlantic had come to the fore to
raise the philosophical stakes in African American debate,
and speaking locally, there were protests organized
around the police/White Citizens Council lynchings of
Bumpurs, Griffiths, Hawkins, Diallo, Dorismond, etc.
etc. etc. Point being that hiphop wasn't born in a vacuum
but as part of a political dynamo that seems to have
been largely dissipated by the time we arrived at the
Million Man March, best described by one friend as the
largest gathering in history of a people come to protest
themselves, given its bizarre theme of atonement in
the face of the goddamn White House.
The problem with a politics that theoretically stops
thinking at the limit of civil rights reform and appeals
to white guilt and Black consciousness was utterly revealed
at that moment—a point underscored by the fact
that the two most charged and memorable Black political
events of the 1990s were the MMM and the hollow victory
of the O.J. trial. Meaning, OK, a page had been turned
in the book of African American economic and political
life—clearly because we showed up in Washington
en masse demanding absolutely nothing but atonement
for our sins—and we did victory dances when a
doofus ex-athlete turned Hertz spokesmodel bought his
way out of lethal injection. Put another way, hiphop
sucks because modern Black populist politics sucks.
Ishmael Reed has a poem that goes: "I am outside
of history . . . it looks hungry . . . I am inside of
history it's hungrier than I thot." The problem
with progressive Black political organizing isn't hiphop
but that the No. 1 issue on the table needs to be poverty,
and nobody knows how to make poverty sexy. Real poverty,
that is, as opposed to studio-gangsta poverty, newly-inked-MC-with-a-story-to-sell
poverty.
You could argue that we're past the days of needing
a Black agenda. But only if you could argue that we're
past the days of there being poor Black people and Driving
While Black and structural, institutionalized poverty.
And those who argue that we don't need leaders must
mean Bush is their leader too, since there are no people
on the face of this earth who aren't being led by some
of their own to hell or high water. People who say that
mean this: Who needs leadership when you've got 24-hour
cable and PlayStations. And perhaps they're partly right,
since what people can name and claim their own leaders
when they don't have their own nation-state? And maybe
in a virtual America like the one we inhabit today,
the only Black culture that matters is the one that
can be downloaded and perhaps needs only business leaders
at that. Certainly it's easier to speak of hiphop hoop
dreams than of structural racism and poverty, because
for hiphop America to not just desire wealth but demand
power with a capital P would require thinking way outside
the idiot box.
Consider, if you will, this "as above, so below"
doomsday scenario: Twenty years from now we'll be able
to tell our grandchildren and great-grandchildren how
we witnessed cultural genocide: the systematic destruction
of a people's folkways.
We'll tell them how fools thought they were celebrating
the 30th anniversary of hiphop the year Bush came back
with a gangbang, when they were really presiding over
a funeral. We'll tell them how once upon a time there
was this marvelous art form where the Negro could finally
say in public whatever was on his or her mind in rhyme
and how the Negro hiphop artist, staring down minimum
wage slavery, Iraq, or the freedom of the incarcerated
chose to take his emancipated motor mouth and stuck
it up a stripper's assbecause it turned out there really
was gold in them thar hills.
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